“I like it...
I like it...! I love the idea!”
I said to myself as I read an e-mail
from an old friend and seasoned journalist.
An international journalists’
organization was asking me to travel
to Cuba to run a teaching session for
about 20 independent journalists.
They all practice
journalism free from the dictates of
the Castro government.
The idea seduced
me, but I kept it quiet for a few days.
I had to inquire about the safety of
teaching in Cuba without Fidel taking
umbrage.
When I finally opened
my mouth, the least my friends called
me was “crazy.”
“How can you
even think of it,” said one of
them. “You may be an idealist,
but you could never teach free journalism
under Fidel’s beard.”
The more sedate ones
used the word “deranged.”
“No, no, I
replied. Castro has allowed some space
to the independent journalists. They
are tolerated. They are even allowed
to publish on a web site. I have an
idea things are changing in Cuba,”
I said.
Someone very close
asked me “Why do you insist in
going to Cuba? What happens if Fidel
puts you in prison? By the time we raise
an international outcry, you could spend
a year in a Cuban jail!”
But I tend to be
persistent when a challenge makes my
eyes sparkle. At times, I remember my
grandmother used to say I’m more
stubborn than a whole mule train. I
was convinced I would be all right.
A few days later,
another e-mail message startled me:
Fidel Castro had jailed my would-be
students. Not one. Not two, nor three.
He had jailed them all!
The students I never
met were destroyed by a gangrene caused
by all-encompassing power.
After summary trials
and flash verdicts, most of them received
stiff sentences when no Cuban criminal
lawyer wanted to defend them.
The one that fared
best got 14 years in prison for writing
brief stories that bear witness to the
complaints of parents who are not allowed
to celebrate their daughters’
15th birthday because it is a “bourgeois”
activity.
Now, all that I have
left of those journalists are some innocuous
e-mails.
My frustrated trip
would not have been the first I made
to Cuba. More than 10 years ago I went
in, legally, with the addresses of some
human rights activists written on my
socks.
In Cuba, I have seen
the unthinkable: a family fattening
a pig in the bathtub of their old house
so they could feast on it at Christmas;
or carefully navigating inside a private
home among a dozen chickens, because
Fidel decided to give three to each
member of a family so they could eat
chicken.
I still remember
how “Chino” yelled at me
the day one of his chickens became entangled
in my shoes: “Hey, walk carefully;
you are going to screw me out of my
chicken soup.”
I also saw a three-story
building collapse due to age in Havana,
with all its occupants still inside.
Police came, closed access to the block,
and took out the dead, safe from the
scrutiny of the press.
I still have friends
there, amusing people, like most Cubans.
I penetrated the
nether world of Cuban prostitutes, and
I was a guest at a mass wedding in the
Mexican embassy of more than 80 Cuban
men and women who only wanted their
new husbands and wives to get them out
of there.
That afternoon I
saw beautiful women marrying 80-year-old
Mexicans, and handsome twenty-somethings
marrying women of 65, whom they have
possibly already dumped in some Mexican
city, because they only wanted a way
out of Fidel’s domains.
But this time, I
wanted to find myself face to face with
a group of men whom I consider true
“martyrs” of journalism,
even though in Cuba they are treated
as “counterrevolutionary rats.”
The first Cuban journalist
I met was Pepe, back in the 70s. I was
in Mexico on a U.N. fellowship. When
I arrived, I was told Pepe, a journalist
with the official government news agency,
Prensa Latina, was to be my roommate.
He habitually refused
to talk about Cuba, but I didn’t
need to hear him talk to understand
what was happening there. Every time
we received our fellowship stipend,
Pepe ran off to buy blue jeans. He confided
that he could make some money selling
them back home.
The man bought so
many pairs of jeans one fine day I had
to put a stop to it; we could not get
around the room by then.
I know little about
the journalists I would have met in
Cuba. In the list I was given, the only
name that stood out was that of Raúl
Rivero, a poet and journalist who, until
he was locked up, daringly exposed human
rights violations in his country.
When I inquired about
the remaining journalists, I was told
they came from other professions. Some
are accountants, some are engineers,
all occupations foreign to journalism.
One of them told
me how he introduced Mijail Bárzaga
Lugo, his neighbor, to independent journalism.
Mijail got by breeding pigeons. One
day, he showed up with a school notebook,
a pencil, and “a tremendous desire
to learn.” He asked to be taught
about journalism. He started learning,
writing in long hand at night until
he could recognize some basic techniques.
Now Mijail is detained
behind the tall walls of Villa Marista,
the headquarters of the Department of
State Security.
Only the brave try
to do free journalism in Cuba. One does
not need to have a deep understanding
of history to understand that journalists
are the first victims of dictators.
I know Castro’s
apologists will say all efforts to teach
the independent journalists in Cuba
are part of a CIA plan to destabilize
Fidel. But the desire to teach independent
journalists is born out of men and organizations
with an immense libertarian calling.
The problem is that,
at some point, they believed (as I did)
that Fidel Castro was disposed to allow
at least a very small dose of dissent
and criticism of his regime, lest it
became fossilized before the eyes of
the civilized world.
The truth is we were
wrong.
All the time it appeared
he was allowing them some small spaces,
he was infiltrating agents of the Department
of State Security into their ranks.
One of them, who
also would have been my student, is
Manuel David Orrio.
Manuel, State Security
now tells us, was code-named agent Miguel,
and infiltrated the independent journalists
in 1992. He came in as a 38-year-old
economist who wanted to write the truth
about what was happening in Cuba.
His colleagues helped
him. They taught him the rudimentary
journalism they know, because in Cuba
there are no real newspapers, only official
organs of the government.
It was Manuel who
declared himself an agent of the Department
of State Security at the trials, and
accused the journalists of receiving
materials and “technical means”
for “subversion.”
In other words, to
write an article about what really happens
in Cuba and e-mail it out is to slander
the Cuban revolution and is punishable
with 15 to 20 years in prison.
The only thing required
of me was to travel to Cuba to teach
these prisoners of conscience how journalism
is done in a modern country. None of
these independent journalists are familiar
with a newspaper other than the rubbish
cranked out by Fidel’s men.
Only one man preceded
me, a good man who for a long time taught
ethics to many journalists in Central
America. He gathered them in Havana
and talked for several hours about the
need to keep fact and opinion separate,
and told them about the ethics of journalism.
A short time later,
they were all behind bars.
Manuel, or Miguel,
or whatever his name is, had denounced
them.
Their crime: writing.
The offense: using words against the
regime. The material evidence: sending
short articles abroad. Their gravest
offense: receiving up to $100 a month
in payment for their work.
Sample article, published
March 6.
Omar Rodríguez Saludes, 37, was
sentenced to 27 years in prison.
By Omar Rodríguez
Saludes, Nueva Prensa.
Havana, March 6.
Two American congressmen, Florida democrat
Jim Davis, and Arizona republican Jim
Kolbe, met with several Cuban government
opponents March 2 in Havana. They also
visited Elsa Morejón, the wife
of prisoner of conscience Dr. Oscar
Elías Biscet, at her home.
Morejón said the congressmen
expressed concern for the state of human
rights in Cuba, and asked questions
about recent Cuban purchases of U. S.
food and medicines, and about the public
health system on the island.
The congressmen also met with opponents
Vladimiro Roca, Héctor Palacios,
Osvaldo Alfonso, and Oswaldo Payá.
Independent journalists,
agency affiliation, and sentence
1. Víctor Rolando
Arroyo, UPECI / 26 years
2. Pedro Argüelles Morán,
CAPI / 20 years
3. Mijail Bárzaga Lugo, freelance
/ 15 years
4. Carmelo Díaz Fernández,
APSIC / 15 years
5. Oscar Espinosa Chepe, CubaNet / 20
years
6. Adolfo Fernández Saínz,
Agencia Patria / 15 years
7. Miguel Galbán Gutiérrez,
Havana Press / 26 years
8. Julio César Gálvez,
freelance / 15 years
9. Edel José García, freelance
/ 15 years
10. Roberto García Cabrejas,
ICD Press / house arrest
11. Jorge Luis García Paneque,
Agencia Libertad / 24 years
12. Ricardo González Alfonso,
correspondent in Cuba for RSF (Reporters
without Borders) / 20 years
13. Luis González Pentón
/ 20 years
14. Alejandro González Raga,
freelance / 14 years
15. Normando Hernández, CPIC
/ 25 years
16. Juan Carlos Herrera, freelance /
20 years
17. José Ubaldo Izquierdo, Decoro
/ 16 years
18. Héctor Maseda, Decoro / 20
years
19. Mario Enrique Mayo / 20 years
20. Jorge Olivera, Havana Press / 18
years
21. Pablo Pacheco Ávila, Agencia
Patria / 20 years
22. Fabio Prieto Llorente, freelance
/ 20 years
23. José Gabriel Ramón
Castillo, ICD Press/20 years
24. Raúl Rivero Castañeda,
CubaPress / 20 years
25. Omar Rodríguez Saludes, Nueva
Prensa Cubana / 27 years
26. Omar Ruiz Hernández, Decoro
/ 18 years
27. Manuel Vázquez Portal, Decoro
/ 18 years
Copyright 2002 El Diario
de Hoy |